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Damaging Housing
Options
Lindsay Bliss • Rent Control's Strangle Hold on Housing Quality
Winter 2004 |
In late 2004, the Boston City Council voted down the second rent control
resolution proposed in as many
years. The refusal to return to
government pricing interventions
should be considered a victory for
low-income renters and Boston’s
many students, for whom rent
control means costlier, poorer quality
housing.
Rent control was designed to keep housing prices down in order to provide
affordable housing for lowerincome renters and to create integrated urban
neighborhoods. In market-priced housing, there is a natural equilibrium
between the prices landlords want to charge and those individuals are
willing to pay for an apartment. In rent-controlled areas, however, artificially
low prices mean that more individuals must compete for the same number
of lowcost apartments.
Most proponents
of rent control laws suggest that keeping prices down allows for affordable
housing in otherwise expensive neighborhoods, increasing the economic
diversity of urban areas. In practice, rent control leads to the opposite,
creating an incentive to stay in a rent-controlled apartment indefinitely
and pass that apartment along to a family member or friend if one must
leave. This process preserves the composition of neighborhoods for decades
at a time. Hardest hit are people relocating to the area or those who
would like to move into better housing. The lack of turnover among renters
shuts out these typically more diverse groups.
Rent control also produces the ‘widow effect,’ leaving one
woman with an apartment built for a family. In a free housing market,
the widow would likely move into a smaller, more affordable apartment,
accommodating the housing needs of another growing family in the process.
With rent prices locked, that incentive no longer exists; staying put
may actually be less expensive. This results in wasted housing space and
an artificially decreased vacancy rate.
The government generally acknowledges that as a practical matter, rent
control cannot cover all housing, and it responds to consumer demand by
leaving some residential space uncontrolled. This creates a ‘shadow
market’ where fewer apartments are available, giving the landlords
the upper hand in setting rents. All those not lucky enough to live under
rent control suffer artificially increased prices as a result.
To solve this problem, cities have extended rent control policies to
cover buildings beyond those initially included. Renters in newer buildings
see the immediate personal advantages of rent control— stabilized
rents for current residents—and lobby for rent control without understanding
the damage it does to the housing market. This happens so often that the
New York City government has deemed the process “recapturing”
buildings.
Property owners will only construct new facilities if there is a financial
incentive to do so. “Recapturing” threatens that incentive
by eliminating most or all of the profit in renting out property, thus
decreasing new constructions and inducing lower vacancy rates. At the
same time, landlords who retain uncontrolled facilities gain a disproportionate
share of market power over their tenants.
Proponents of rent control began with the best of intentions: preventing
tenant exploitation and integrating urban socioeconomic classes. In practice,
such laws have instead damaged housing markets in urban centers, prevented
integration, and caused increased financial exploitation. For the lucky
few who reside in rent-controlled apartments, the policy takes away any
incentive to leave, producing artificially high rents for newcomers and
the upwardly mobile, with little hope for improvement. These policies
damage all renters, not just those living outside rent-controlled facilities.
Lindsay Bliss is a junior in Timothy Dwight College.
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